The
Balkans Wars may be over, but the European Union continues its biased
attempt at geopolitical social engineering. As always, the principal
victims are ethnic Serbs.
Serbia and Kosovo last month announced an agreement for Belgrade’s de facto recognition of Kosovo’s independence. The parties have been squabbling over the pact’s implementation, but the delay likely is merely temporary.
The winners and losers are obvious. Deputy Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic admitted: “I’m not saying that the agreement is good, but at this stage we could not get anything better.” The EU offered fulsome congratulations to itself for imposing the plan — by threatening to block Serbian accession to the organization. In fact, since intervening in the Balkans roughly two decades ago Europe and the U.S. have followed only one consistent policy: the Serbs always lose. Even if that meant acquiescing to human rights abuses and ethnic cleansing by the West’s allies.
The Balkans was an inadvertent casualty of the end of the Cold War. Yugoslavia was an artificial creation out of World War I that united antagonistic ethnic groups. After World War II the threat of Soviet intervention helped hold Yugoslavia together. However, long-time dictator Josip Broz Tito died in 1980 and the Cold War ended a decade later. The country’s disintegration was accelerated by Slobodan Milosevic’s use of Serbian nationalism to gain power.
In 1990 nationalists won elections in various Yugoslav republics, which began declaring independence the following year. Civil war erupted in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia. Fighting in the latter was particularly vicious. Serb forces were brutal, but no side was innocent of atrocities. The West, however, preferred to see only Serbian crimes, intervening to impose the Dayton accords, which allowed ethnic Muslims and Croats in Bosnia to secede from Serb-dominated Yugoslavia, but required ethnic Serbs to remain in Muslim-dominated Bosnia.
Allied policy toward Croatia was particularly grotesque. The West supported the anti-Semitic nationalist Franjo Tudjman, even training Croatian forces that conducted the largest campaign of ethnic cleansing — essentially wiping Serbs out of their historic homeland in Croatia’s Krajina region — until Kosovo. However, Washington and Brussels declined to criticize Zagreb for its atrocities. Years later the region remained scarred by war, dotted with wrecked homes, empty churches, and bullet-marked buildings, courtesy of allied policy.
Kosovo was the final piece of Yugoslavia to separate through war. The historic heartland of Serbian culture, Kosovo was transformed over the years, resulting in an ethnic Albanian majority. During local self-rule the minority ethnic Serb population suffered. When Milosevic reestablished central government control, ethnic Albanians suffered. The result was a violent struggle in which insurgents, described as “terrorists” by one U.S. diplomat, and security forces traded brutalities.
Although Western governments largely ignored mass slaughter in Africa, they declared their shock and horror at the deaths of hundreds of white Europeans. After unsuccessfully attempting to convince Belgrade to voluntarily cede control of Kosovo and give the allies free military access throughout Serbia, NATO launched its first war — against a country that had neither attacked nor threatened to attack any alliance member.
Unsurprisingly, the world’s most powerful military coalition ultimately won, though it took 78 days of bombing. Belgrade yielded control without conceding sovereignty.
Having gone to war to stop killing and reverse ethnic cleansing, NATO stood by as ethnic Albanians kicked out more than 200,000 Serbs, Roma, Jews, and others. In 2004 another round of Albanian-led violence ensued, as mobs destroyed the homes and churches of ethnic Serbs, creating additional refugees.
Bloody revenge is not unusual after civil wars, but these crimes occurred on the West’s watch. The Council of Europe admitted that the allied intervention had “led to numerous human rights violations and [had] not produced lasting solutions for the underlying problems.”
Nothing changed with the territory’s new leadership, which emerged from the Kosovo Liberation Army and was dogged by claims of war crimes and criminality. The Council of Europe called the KLA a “mafia-like” organization. Former international prosecutor Carla Del Ponte publicized allegations that the group had murdered civilian captives and sold their organs. The European Union recently launched a new investigation of these charges after five Kosovars were convicted of running an organ-trafficking operation.
In fact, it took nearly a decade before even the allies believed that Kosovo was entitled to self-government. Nevertheless, there was never any doubt that the Western powers intended to formally separate the area from Serbia.
“Negotiations” were initiated through the United Nations led by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. However, the result was predetermined; the process was merely intended to set the terms of Belgrade’s surrender. Serbia refused to play along, however. Albanian Kosovars insisted on independence, with no complaint from the allies. Serbians proposed alternatives short of independence, and were charged with obstruction by the allies. In 2008 Pristina declared independence, which was promptly recognized by Washington and most European states.
There is nothing wrong with independence for Kosovo in principle. The vast majority of Kosovo’s residents wanted nothing more to do with Serbia. However, their desire for independence does not entitle them to rule over ethnic Serbs who want nothing to do with Kosovo.
Serbia and Kosovo last month announced an agreement for Belgrade’s de facto recognition of Kosovo’s independence. The parties have been squabbling over the pact’s implementation, but the delay likely is merely temporary.
The winners and losers are obvious. Deputy Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic admitted: “I’m not saying that the agreement is good, but at this stage we could not get anything better.” The EU offered fulsome congratulations to itself for imposing the plan — by threatening to block Serbian accession to the organization. In fact, since intervening in the Balkans roughly two decades ago Europe and the U.S. have followed only one consistent policy: the Serbs always lose. Even if that meant acquiescing to human rights abuses and ethnic cleansing by the West’s allies.
The Balkans was an inadvertent casualty of the end of the Cold War. Yugoslavia was an artificial creation out of World War I that united antagonistic ethnic groups. After World War II the threat of Soviet intervention helped hold Yugoslavia together. However, long-time dictator Josip Broz Tito died in 1980 and the Cold War ended a decade later. The country’s disintegration was accelerated by Slobodan Milosevic’s use of Serbian nationalism to gain power.
In 1990 nationalists won elections in various Yugoslav republics, which began declaring independence the following year. Civil war erupted in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia. Fighting in the latter was particularly vicious. Serb forces were brutal, but no side was innocent of atrocities. The West, however, preferred to see only Serbian crimes, intervening to impose the Dayton accords, which allowed ethnic Muslims and Croats in Bosnia to secede from Serb-dominated Yugoslavia, but required ethnic Serbs to remain in Muslim-dominated Bosnia.
Allied policy toward Croatia was particularly grotesque. The West supported the anti-Semitic nationalist Franjo Tudjman, even training Croatian forces that conducted the largest campaign of ethnic cleansing — essentially wiping Serbs out of their historic homeland in Croatia’s Krajina region — until Kosovo. However, Washington and Brussels declined to criticize Zagreb for its atrocities. Years later the region remained scarred by war, dotted with wrecked homes, empty churches, and bullet-marked buildings, courtesy of allied policy.
Kosovo was the final piece of Yugoslavia to separate through war. The historic heartland of Serbian culture, Kosovo was transformed over the years, resulting in an ethnic Albanian majority. During local self-rule the minority ethnic Serb population suffered. When Milosevic reestablished central government control, ethnic Albanians suffered. The result was a violent struggle in which insurgents, described as “terrorists” by one U.S. diplomat, and security forces traded brutalities.
Although Western governments largely ignored mass slaughter in Africa, they declared their shock and horror at the deaths of hundreds of white Europeans. After unsuccessfully attempting to convince Belgrade to voluntarily cede control of Kosovo and give the allies free military access throughout Serbia, NATO launched its first war — against a country that had neither attacked nor threatened to attack any alliance member.
Unsurprisingly, the world’s most powerful military coalition ultimately won, though it took 78 days of bombing. Belgrade yielded control without conceding sovereignty.
Having gone to war to stop killing and reverse ethnic cleansing, NATO stood by as ethnic Albanians kicked out more than 200,000 Serbs, Roma, Jews, and others. In 2004 another round of Albanian-led violence ensued, as mobs destroyed the homes and churches of ethnic Serbs, creating additional refugees.
Bloody revenge is not unusual after civil wars, but these crimes occurred on the West’s watch. The Council of Europe admitted that the allied intervention had “led to numerous human rights violations and [had] not produced lasting solutions for the underlying problems.”
Nothing changed with the territory’s new leadership, which emerged from the Kosovo Liberation Army and was dogged by claims of war crimes and criminality. The Council of Europe called the KLA a “mafia-like” organization. Former international prosecutor Carla Del Ponte publicized allegations that the group had murdered civilian captives and sold their organs. The European Union recently launched a new investigation of these charges after five Kosovars were convicted of running an organ-trafficking operation.
In fact, it took nearly a decade before even the allies believed that Kosovo was entitled to self-government. Nevertheless, there was never any doubt that the Western powers intended to formally separate the area from Serbia.
“Negotiations” were initiated through the United Nations led by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. However, the result was predetermined; the process was merely intended to set the terms of Belgrade’s surrender. Serbia refused to play along, however. Albanian Kosovars insisted on independence, with no complaint from the allies. Serbians proposed alternatives short of independence, and were charged with obstruction by the allies. In 2008 Pristina declared independence, which was promptly recognized by Washington and most European states.
There is nothing wrong with independence for Kosovo in principle. The vast majority of Kosovo’s residents wanted nothing more to do with Serbia. However, their desire for independence does not entitle them to rule over ethnic Serbs who want nothing to do with Kosovo.
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